Community Assisted Response and Engagement (CARE)
The CARE Act would fund community-based, non-police responders for mental health, substance abuse, and social service calls, diverting some 911 responses away from law enforcement.
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The Civitus brief
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Plain English
The CARE Act would fund community-based, non-police responders for mental health, substance abuse, and social service calls, diverting some 911 responses away from law enforcement.
Why it matters
The Community Assisted Response and Engagement (CARE) Act proposes creating or expanding alternative emergency response programs where trained civilian responders, rather than police officers, handle certain 911 calls involving mental health crises, substance use, or social service needs. Supporters argue this approach better serves vulnerable people and reduces unnecessary police involvement in non-criminal situations. Critics raise concerns about public safety, accountability, and whether civilian responders are equipped to handle unpredictable emergency situations.
Who it affects
- Local police departments
- Mental health professionals
- Social workers
- Emergency medical services
- Municipal governments
- Law enforcement unions
- Behavioral health nonprofits
- People experiencing mental health crises
The case for and against
The case for
- 1Mental health professionals are better trained than police to de-escalate psychiatric crises, potentially reducing harm to vulnerable individuals and lowering rates of unnecessary arrest or use of force.
- 2Early data from pilot programs like Denver's STAR and Eugene's CAHOOTS show reduced emergency department utilization and repeat crisis calls, suggesting cost savings over time.
- 3Freeing police from non-criminal calls allows law enforcement to focus resources on violent crime and situations that genuinely require armed response, potentially improving overall public safety outcomes.
The case against
- 1Crisis calls can escalate unpredictably, and sending unarmed civilian responders without law enforcement backup could endanger both responders and the people they serve.
- 2Accountability frameworks for civilian responders are less established than for sworn officers, raising questions about oversight, liability, and quality control.
- 3Federal grant incentives may pressure local governments to adopt models that do not fit their specific community needs or resource environments, undermining the local control that has historically governed public safety policy.
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Deeper context
Long-form analysis, legal background, and source material
Read analysisAnalysis · Sage analysis · Long read
Sage Analysis
The CARE Act addresses a longstanding debate in public safety policy: whether law enforcement officers are the appropriate first responders for all emergency calls, regardless of nature. The bill would likely authorize federal grants to local governments and nonprofits to establish teams of mental health professionals, social workers, and crisis counselors who can respond to certain categories of 911 calls independently or alongside police. The underlying premise is that a significant portion of emergency calls involve behavioral health or social service needs that do not require armed law enforcement response. The constitutional basis for this legislation rests primarily on Congress's spending power under Article I, Section 8, allowing the federal government to incentivize state and local policy changes through grant funding without mandating them directly. This approach mirrors the structure of prior federal criminal justice reform initiatives such as the COPS Program and the Justice Assistance Grant program, preserving local control while encouraging a national policy direction. Fiscal impact would depend heavily on authorization levels, but similar programs at the city level, such as Denver's STAR program and Eugene, Oregon's CAHOOTS model, have operated on budgets ranging from several hundred thousand to a few million dollars annually. Federal investment could be substantial if scaled nationally, though proponents argue long-term savings in emergency department costs, incarceration, and repeat crisis calls could offset initial expenditures. Historically, alternative response models gained significant policy momentum following the 2020 protests over police use of force. Cities across the country began piloting co-responder and standalone civilian response programs with mixed but generally encouraging early data on reducing unnecessary arrests and improving connections to care. The CARE Act represents an attempt to codify and scale these local experiments at the federal level. Stakeholders affected include local police departments, mental health advocacy organizations, emergency medical services, municipal governments, unions representing law enforcement, behavioral health providers, and communities with high rates of mental health crisis calls. The legislation sits at the intersection of criminal justice reform, public health, and local governance, making its political landscape complex and its implementation highly variable by jurisdiction.
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AI analysisCivic explanation, not a government record
The United States spends roughly 100 billion dollars annually on policing, yet approximately 20 percent of all police encounters involve a behavioral health component, a mismatch between tool and task that existing data from programs like CAHOOTS, operating since 1989, consistently documents. Jurisdictions that have implemented alternative response models report diversion rates above 80 percent for eligible calls without increased harm to responders, a fact that will define the terms of this debate regardless of how the legislation is ultimately structured.
Source: official record
The Civitus brief, in full
The Community Assisted Response and Engagement (CARE) Act would create a federal framework for funding alternative emergency response programs in which trained civilian professionals, such as mental health counselors, social workers, and crisis specialists, respond to certain 911 calls instead of, or alongside, police officers. The bill targets calls involving mental health emergencies, substance use crises, and social service needs that do not involve an immediate threat of violence. Federal grants would flow to local governments and qualifying nonprofits to build or expand these programs, with local jurisdictions retaining authority over their specific design and deployment. Support for the legislation comes from mental health advocacy organizations, civil rights groups, and many behavioral health providers who argue that police officers are not trained primarily as mental health clinicians and that involving armed officers in psychiatric crises can escalate situations unnecessarily. Advocates point to the CAHOOTS program in Eugene, Oregon, which has operated since 1989, and Denver's STAR program, both of which have reported high rates of successful call resolution without police backup. Proponents also argue the bill addresses a documented gap between the nature of many 911 calls and the response resources currently deployed. Opposition comes primarily from law enforcement organizations and some public safety officials who argue that civilian responders cannot reliably predict when a situation will turn dangerous and that removing police from certain calls creates unacceptable risk. Some critics also question whether federal grant incentives will push localities toward uniform models that do not account for differences in geography, population density, or existing mental health infrastructure. Fiscal conservatives have raised concerns about long-term program costs and the federal government's role in what has traditionally been a local public safety function. For ordinary Americans, the practical effect of the CARE Act would depend entirely on whether their local government accepts federal funding and how it chooses to implement an alternative response program. In communities that adopt these models, residents experiencing a mental health crisis or calling for help with a neighbor in distress might be met by a crisis counselor rather than a patrol officer. The bill does not eliminate police response to any category of call but rather creates a parallel infrastructure that municipalities can choose to build, making its real-world impact as varied as the thousands of communities it would serve.